One hopes that in the waning days of this fiscal the government will shed some of the fluff it has accumulated.. But no money, no jobs and no rights are the fertile grounds on which violence, Naxalism and Maoism thrive. Even way back then, it was clear it would not take root. But it must also be nimble, adaptable, scalable, efficient and convenient to use. Watch the master of the spoken word — Barack Obama, in his January 2016 address on the mundane subject of gun control in the United States and you will see what I mean. It was created in 1999 under the BJP-led NDA regime and helmed by finance minister Arun Jaitley. No wonder then that the Central public sector not only lingers but grows. He stressed purity, pain and renunciation as key processes for exorcising evil — in this case black money and corruption-fed terrorism, Naxalism and Maoism.Consider also the new government-sponsored payments app named Bharat Interface for Money (BHIM) created by the National Payments Corporation.
Consider the name of the government department, which is supposed to privatise the public sector. The Communist parties and the Congress fight from that shrinking corner of the electoral base. This is in the public and not in the private sector. It does nothing of the sort. But an additional 63 were coming online. Third, restore the credibility of regulatory institutions by respecting Chinese walls purposefully built between them and the government. The poor versus rich genie will now be difficult to put back into the bottle. One cannot simultaneously romance the poor for their virtues — fortitude and honesty; finger the rich for their vices — dishonesty in evading tax, wallowing in luxury in big city bungalows — and yet denounce social movements which seek to give voice to the marginalised, however unpalatable their senseless violence may be. It is public sector banks, public service departments, the police and the lower judiciary which need to be “purified”, not the voting public. Let’s ring the curtain down on disruptive, executive muscularity.Three initiatives are overdue. Yes, security is one important feature of an app.
Second, exorcise the public sector of corruption before terrorising the private sector. But there are unlikely to be surprises here. Possibly the idea was to convey that the app was safe and impregnable. Touting the cause of the poor by pulling down the rich was never meant to be the BJP’s trademark. This is a far more important political reform than having simultaneous elections. Public sector investment and asset management continue to be the mandate of every line ministry, for the state-owned enterprises (SOE) under them. This resonated with an India fed up with populism and ersatz socialism, unemployment, poverty and a low quality of life.In 2015, there were 235 operating SOEs. It muddled along till, mysteriously, in April 2016, it was cumbersomely renamed as the department of investment and public asset management (DIPAM). It is the bribe-taker who is delinquent. The bribe-giver is the victim of an unresponsive governance system. “Killer app” is how kids term an outstanding app. It has traditionally been private sector-friendly. If an all-out fight against corruption is a must, because of electoral promises, let it begin where corruption breeds. But when the two are put together, as in a video, they evoke deep emotions and convey subliminal messages.
But the fuzzy name, matched the lack of sustained resolve for a big-bang approach to privatising the public sector.Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his New Year’s Eve address to the nation, fell into the same rhetorical trap of belting out a preachy sermon but chose the wrong words.A strong government can trample over many citizens’ rights so long as it can stuff the mouth of citizens with money — as in China. But it seems to evoke the brute power of the legendary Bhim from the Mahabharat. It is unfortunate, that despite the best talent in branding and outreach we fail to convey our intent appropriately. The data for 2016 is yet to be publicly shared. One-third of the operational SOE made a loss of Rs 27,000 crore in 2015. Bhim of the Mahabharat was none of these. Its core mandate remains to sell the industrial Central public sector.Some pictures may be worth a thousand words. But in India, these misguided socio-economic movements are the consequences of state failure in providing a basic level of welfare to the poorest of the poor. First, make the funding of political parties open to public scrutiny.Left unanswered was who should feel the pain more and make sacrifices — the honest many or the dishonest few? Also, conflating Maoism and Naxalism with terrorism, drugs and loss of human rights is okay if you are a right-wing, conservative American. Mandated to raise capital through privatisation — it ended up being named, hypocritically, the department of disinvestment.
The BJP came to power in 2014 as the voice of reform and growth. This will be particularly so if growth disappoints and economic stability suffers — both of which are near-term probabilities. But slang shouldn’t be taken literally to name government initiatives. Named badly at birth, the department lingers on much like the loss-making SOEs. The Reserve Bank of India seems to be the latest victim of executive activism in the demonetisation snafu. Legend has it he was https://www.cospackage.com/product/airless-bottle/ pump bottles wholesale pretty resource-intensive — gobbling up nearly as much as all his four other siblings and was difficult to discipline, much like an invincible Robocop. The app was ostensibly named after Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar — the learned dalit leader and constitutionalist. “Divestment” would have been more proximate to the intent.Multiple objectives in public governance are a recipe for disaster. Focusing on infrastructure, macro-stability and private sector-led growth is the only option for creating sustainable jobs and reducing poverty.
Consider the name of the government department, which is supposed to privatise the public sector. The Communist parties and the Congress fight from that shrinking corner of the electoral base. This is in the public and not in the private sector. It does nothing of the sort. But an additional 63 were coming online. Third, restore the credibility of regulatory institutions by respecting Chinese walls purposefully built between them and the government. The poor versus rich genie will now be difficult to put back into the bottle. One cannot simultaneously romance the poor for their virtues — fortitude and honesty; finger the rich for their vices — dishonesty in evading tax, wallowing in luxury in big city bungalows — and yet denounce social movements which seek to give voice to the marginalised, however unpalatable their senseless violence may be. It is public sector banks, public service departments, the police and the lower judiciary which need to be “purified”, not the voting public. Let’s ring the curtain down on disruptive, executive muscularity.Three initiatives are overdue. Yes, security is one important feature of an app.
Second, exorcise the public sector of corruption before terrorising the private sector. But there are unlikely to be surprises here. Possibly the idea was to convey that the app was safe and impregnable. Touting the cause of the poor by pulling down the rich was never meant to be the BJP’s trademark. This is a far more important political reform than having simultaneous elections. Public sector investment and asset management continue to be the mandate of every line ministry, for the state-owned enterprises (SOE) under them. This resonated with an India fed up with populism and ersatz socialism, unemployment, poverty and a low quality of life.In 2015, there were 235 operating SOEs. It muddled along till, mysteriously, in April 2016, it was cumbersomely renamed as the department of investment and public asset management (DIPAM). It is the bribe-taker who is delinquent. The bribe-giver is the victim of an unresponsive governance system. “Killer app” is how kids term an outstanding app. It has traditionally been private sector-friendly. If an all-out fight against corruption is a must, because of electoral promises, let it begin where corruption breeds. But when the two are put together, as in a video, they evoke deep emotions and convey subliminal messages.
But the fuzzy name, matched the lack of sustained resolve for a big-bang approach to privatising the public sector.Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his New Year’s Eve address to the nation, fell into the same rhetorical trap of belting out a preachy sermon but chose the wrong words.A strong government can trample over many citizens’ rights so long as it can stuff the mouth of citizens with money — as in China. But it seems to evoke the brute power of the legendary Bhim from the Mahabharat. It is unfortunate, that despite the best talent in branding and outreach we fail to convey our intent appropriately. The data for 2016 is yet to be publicly shared. One-third of the operational SOE made a loss of Rs 27,000 crore in 2015. Bhim of the Mahabharat was none of these. Its core mandate remains to sell the industrial Central public sector.Some pictures may be worth a thousand words. But in India, these misguided socio-economic movements are the consequences of state failure in providing a basic level of welfare to the poorest of the poor. First, make the funding of political parties open to public scrutiny.Left unanswered was who should feel the pain more and make sacrifices — the honest many or the dishonest few? Also, conflating Maoism and Naxalism with terrorism, drugs and loss of human rights is okay if you are a right-wing, conservative American. Mandated to raise capital through privatisation — it ended up being named, hypocritically, the department of disinvestment.
The BJP came to power in 2014 as the voice of reform and growth. This will be particularly so if growth disappoints and economic stability suffers — both of which are near-term probabilities. But slang shouldn’t be taken literally to name government initiatives. Named badly at birth, the department lingers on much like the loss-making SOEs. The Reserve Bank of India seems to be the latest victim of executive activism in the demonetisation snafu. Legend has it he was https://www.cospackage.com/product/airless-bottle/ pump bottles wholesale pretty resource-intensive — gobbling up nearly as much as all his four other siblings and was difficult to discipline, much like an invincible Robocop. The app was ostensibly named after Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar — the learned dalit leader and constitutionalist. “Divestment” would have been more proximate to the intent.Multiple objectives in public governance are a recipe for disaster. Focusing on infrastructure, macro-stability and private sector-led growth is the only option for creating sustainable jobs and reducing poverty.
コメント